Office Practicum Essay Example for Free

Office Practicum Essay The ladder of success is best climbed by stepping on the rungs of opportunity.† -Ayn Rand In every game, in order for you to win, you must finish all the levels. You can’t reach the 9th level without taking the 1st, the 2nd up to the 8th. The first year of my college life had passed. The first semester of S.Y. 2011-2012 had ended. And the next level is the second semester which covered the on-the-job training. As a BBTE student, it is part of our curriculum to pass the 6-unit subject, Office Practicum to go to the next level. I became a student trainee of the Dean’s Office of the college of Education of this University. I considered this training as a game and I took nine levels before I declared myself as a winner. The first level is the easiest level of all. This just a preparation for me. Preparing for the requirements and thinking where is the place I want to be trained. When everything is alright, and I’ve decided where the place would be, the second level approached me. Actually, I’ve chosen Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) as my training ground, but they neglected me. I went to different offices of PUP, from OVPPA, OEVP, OVPA, Registrar’s Office, etc. But, misfortune hit me, I experienced rejections. â€Å"Well, it’s their regret that they let me get by another office.† (Pampalubag-loob.. ï Å ) Until I saw the key shining on the front of the door located at the North Wing, 2nd Floor—Dean’s office of CoEd. I got the key and I heard a voice saying, â€Å"Level Accomplished! Go to the next level!† As I enter the door, I saw the gems that can help me to gain a higher score for this game. They are Ma’am Fe, Ma’am Menchie, Ma’am Junie and Ma’am Ruby. They welcomed me so warmly and I appreciated it so much. This level is all about appreciation and I’m ready to face the next level because of enthusiasm they gave me. In the 4th level, I met the soldiers that can be companions to the following level. They are Marlo, Jediah and Cris. I am happy to be with them. I am also thankful to have them especially in facing the 5th level. This level is one of the hardest and tiresome level of all. It’s all about the task—administrative duties like answering telephone calls, encoding, filing, etc. In facing the 6th to 9th level, task is always there. And through the help of the soldiers, I’ve passed the last four remaining levels. In all games, sometimes you will play alone. Just like in the office, sometimes you will work alone. So, you must initiate to be productive. Initiative and self-esteem is the main power to pass this level. As what Lydia M. Child said, â€Å"Belief in oneself is one of the most important bricks in building any successful venture.† Sometimes, we experienced twists and turns. No one can deny that sometimes we complained. I admit, I got tired in all the tasks and decided to quit. But as I thought failure, I became stronger and stronger. It seems you’re bitten by a snake on snake and ladder but still, trying to move on and reach your goals. The 8th level is just reminiscing all the experiences that make it unforgettable for me. And the last level, making happy thoughts.

Colonists and Indians Fight for Mutual Interests on the American Fronti

Colonists and Indians Fight for Mutual Interests on the American Frontier Since the settling of the English colonies in the early 17th century, pioneers have been destined to expand into the North American frontier and to domesticate it with their Christian faith and progressive nature. In their exploration of the frontier, however, the Puritan colonists often encountered Indians whose savagery challenged their discipline and morals. Just as the colonists expanded, Indians also saw their native lands of many years vanish. The situation naturally compelled the Puritans and the Indians to fight each other for their mutual interests. Thus, while most accounts of Western history focus on the heathen threat, both Indians and colonists experienced the harshness of the captivity myth and its evolution into other mythology that defined American history. Any discussion of the American culture and its development has to include mythology, because that is where most of the information about early America is found. Mythology is a unique source in that it gives a shared understanding that people have with regard to some aspect of their world. The most important experience for American frontiersmen is the challenge to the â€Å"myth of the frontier† that they believed in – â€Å"the conception of America as a wide-open land of unlimited opportunity for the strong, ambitious, self-reliant individual to thrust his way to the top.† (Slotkin, 5) In particular, the challenge came from Indians and from the wilderness that they inhabited. The colonists who first arrived in America came to this land because they saw an opportunity to regenerate their religion and to live according to it without subjugation. The immense size of the land sugge... ...ard expansion, a person finds information about the essence of American culture. Though the English colonists came to America expecting to renew their lives through the Puritan faith, they instead found their faith and, indeed, their very society in danger from the heathen Indian presence in the surrounding wilderness. But while the Indians threatened the core of the colonials’ lives, the presence of the colonists and their westerly expansion threatened the lives and land that the Indians had held for many years. American history thus began in violence that has no single source, but rather is derived from the Puritans and Indians both fighting for and protecting their mutual interests and desires. Works Cited Slotkin, R. Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier 1600-1860. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973.

Into the Wild Analysis

In the book, â€Å"Into the Wild† by Christopher McCandless's, is a true story about a young man name Emory who was found dead in the Alaskan wilderness in September 1992. Anyhow, McCandless is a senior at Emory. He has driven away most of his friends, and barely keeps in touch with his parents.He lets his parents think that he is interested in law school, but instead, after graduating with honors, he donates his $25,000 savings to charity, gets in his car, and drives away without telling anyone where he is going, abandoning the use of his real name along the way.His plan was to get away from city life, to be with nature. Shaun Callarman said that â€Å"I think that Chris McCandless was bright and ignorant at the same time. He had no common sense, and he had no business going into Alaska with his Romantic silliness. He made a lot of mistakes based on arrogance.I don't admire him at all for his courage nor his noble ideas. Really, I think he was just plain crazy.† I have to say that I agree with Shaun.I agree with Shaun because McCandless didn’t look ahead of his future. Instead he just threw himself into the wind. Which can be good sometimes but in this case it was a poorly decision. I don’t think McCandless took the time to think about basic essentials like food, health, clothes, safety and loneliness.I believe he was so driven by the anger of his dad, having a second family that he just wanting to escape that. I mean, a lot of people go through things like this; sometimes even worst.Likewise, I don’t see them throwing themselves into nature like that. Very foolish! It would have been okay if he had made back safely or was better prepare to do this; but he wasn’t. Therefore he die because in late July, McCandless eats some moldy seeds and the mold contains a poison that essentially causes him to starve to death.No matter how much he ate, he was to too weak to gather food . McCandless was quickly incapacitated by the po ison. If he had known his information about nature and knew that the seeds were dangerous, he probably still would have been alive longer.One thing I couldn’t wrap my head around was, those whom he tells about the plan all warn him that he needs to be better prepared, or should wait until later in the spring. Thus, being stubborn he still went on and did he own  thing.He was being hardheaded, which I feel like it another reason that lead to his death. In other words, these people who talk to him were like warnings. They even knew that it wasn’t a good idea but for some reason he didn’t pick on this. He went into Alaska without a map or planning of where he was going.I'm surprised he lasted as long as he did. If he'd of just had a map he wouldn't have been trap up at the river he was a crossing. But honestly the best thing was his realization that he does need other people, even though it was ultimately too late.To sum up, I thought that Chris' journey into the wilderness to seek the simple life was inspirational but he was extremely naive about his journey and was much unprepared for the conditions that he was facing.

Complex Hunters and Gatherers

The term complex hunter-gatherers (CHG) is a fairly new term that attempts to correct some ill-conceived notions of how people in the past organized their lives. Anthropologists traditionally defined hunter-gatherers as human populations that lived (and live) in small groups and that are highly mobile, following and subsisting on the seasonal cycle of plants and animals. Key Takeaways: Complex Hunter-Gatherers (CHG) Like general hunter-gathers, complex hunter-gatherers do not practice agriculture or pastoralism.They can achieve the same levels of social complexity including technology, settlement practices, and social hierarchy as agricultural groups.As a result, some archaeologists believe agriculture should be seen as less a significant characteristic of complexity than others. In the 1970s, however, anthropologists and archaeologists realized that many groups who subsisted on hunting and gathering around the world did not fit the rigid stereotype into which they were put. For these societies, recognized in many parts of the world, anthropologists use the term â€Å"Complex Hunter-Gatherers.† In North America, the most well-known example is the prehistoric Northwest Coast groups on the North American continent. Why Complex? Complex hunter-gatherers, also known as affluent foragers, have a subsistence, economic and social organization far more â€Å"complex† and interdependent than generalized hunter-gatherers. The two types are similar: they base their economies without relying on domesticated plants and animals. Here are some of the differences: Mobility: Complex hunter-gatherers live in the same place for most of the year, or even for longer periods, in contrast to generalized hunter-gatherers who stay in one place for shorter periods and move around a lot.Economy: Complex hunter-gatherers subsistence involves a large amount of food storage, whereas simple hunter-gatherers usually consume their food as soon as they harvest it. For example, among Northwest Coast populations, storage involved both meat and fish desiccation as well as creating social bonds that allowed them to have access to resources from other environments.Households: Complex hunter-gatherers don’t live in small and mobile camps, but in long-term, organized households and villages. These are also clearly visible archaeologically. On the Northwest Coast, households were shared by 30 to 100 people.Resources: Complex hunter-gatherers do not harvest only what is available around them, they focus on gathering specific and very productive food products and combining them with other, secondary resources. For example, in the Northwest Coast subsistence was based on salmon, but also other fish and mollusks and in smaller amounts on the forest products. Furthermore, salmon processing through desiccation involved the work of many people at the same time.Technology: Both generalized and complex hunter-gatherers tend to have sophisticated tools. Complex hunter-gatherers don’t need to have light and portable objects, therefore they can invest more energy in larger and specialized tools to fish, hunt, harvest. Northwest Coast populations, for example, constructed large boats and canoes, nets, spears and harpoons, carving tools and desiccation devices.Population: In North America, complex hunter-gatherers had larger populations than small size agricultural villages. Northwest Coast had among the highest population rate of North America. Villages size spanned between 100 and more than 2000 people.Social hierarchy: complex hunter-gatherers had social hierarchies  and even inherited leadership roles. These positions included prestige, social status, and sometimes power. Northwest Coast populations had two social classes: slaves and free people. Free people were divided into chiefs and elite, a lower noble group, and commoners, who were free people with no titles and therefore with no access to leadership positions. Slaves were mostly war captives. Gender was also an important social category. Noble women had often high-rank status. Finally, social status was expressed through material and immaterial elements, such as luxury goods, jewels, rich textiles, but also feasts and ceremonies. Distinguishing Complexity The term complexity is a culturally weighted one: There are about a dozen characteristics that anthropologists and archaeologists use to measure or approximate the level of sophistication achieved by a given society in the past or the present. The more research people have undertaken, and the more enlightened they become, the fuzzier the categories grow, and the whole idea of measuring complexity has become challenging. One argument made by American archaeologist Jeanne Arnold and colleagues has been that one of those long-defined characteristics—the domestication of plants and animals—should no longer be the defining complexity, that complex hunter-gatherers can develop many more important indicators of complexity without agriculture. Instead, Arnold and her colleagues propose seven platforms of social dynamics to identify complexity: Agency and authoritySocial differentiationParticipation in communal eventsOrganization of productionLabor obligationsArticulation of ecology and subsistenceTerritoriality and ownership Selected Sources Ames, Kenneth M. The Northwest Coast: Complex Hunter-Gatherers, Ecology, and Social Evolution. Annual Review of Anthropology 23.1 (1994): 209–29. Print.Ames Kenneth M. and Herbert D.G. Maschner. Peoples of the Northwest Coast. Their Archaeology and Prehistory. London: Thames and Hudson, 1999.Arnold, Jeanne E. Credit Where Credit Is Due: The History of the Chumash Oceangoing Plank Canoe. American Antiquity 72.2 (2007): 196-209. Print.Arnold, Jeanne E., et al. Entrenched Disbelief: Complex Hunter-Gatherers and the Case for Inclusive Cultural Evolutionary Thinking. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 23.2 (2016): 448–99. Print.Buonasera, Tammy Y. More Than Acorns and Small Seeds: A Diachronic Analysis of Mortuary Associated Ground Stone from the South San Francisco Bay Area. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32.2 (2013): 190–211. Print.Killion, Thomas W. Nonagricultural Cultivation and Social Complexity. Current Anthropology 54.5 (2013): 596–606. Print.Maher, Lisa A., Tobias Richter, and Jay T. Stock. The Pre-Natufian Epipaleolithic: Long-Term Behavioral Trends in the Levant. Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 21.2 (2012): 69–81. Print.Sassaman, Kenneth E. Complex Hunter-Gatherers in Evolution and History: A North American Perspective. Journal of Archaeological Research 12.3 (2004): 227–80. Print.